Celtic tribes of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland

For an introduction to the Celtic tribes of Britain, see the main page for Celtic Tribes of the British Isles.

Peoples of Northern Britain from Ptolemy's Geography. Click to enlarge in pop-up window In Britain as far south as the Firths of Forth and Clyde and the Antonine Wall, the pattern is that of tribes divided from each other by mountains. Those of the far north and west - protected by the Grampian Mountains - had little contact with the Romans, so it is not surprising that their names are not recorded again after appearing in Ptolemy's Geography. This does not necessarily mean that they disappeared in the Roman period, or were welded into one great confederation under the more often noted Caledones, regardless of what Roman authors imagined.

Picts

Distribution of Pictish stones and graffiti. Click to enlarge in pop-up windowIn 305 Constantius Chlorus claimed a victory over the "Caledones and other Picts".1C. E. V. Nixon and B. Saylor Rodgers (ed. and trans.), In praise of later Roman emperors: the Panegyrici Latini (1994), VI: Panegyric of Constantine, pp. 226-7 and note 27. This is the first reference to Picti, a late Roman nickname for all the northern British tribes beyond their borders. It means painted in Latin. Isidore of Seville tells us that it refers to the use of plant dye to create tattoos.2The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, ed. and trans. S.A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach and O. Bergho (2006), p. 386 (XIX.xxiii.7). The plant dye was from woad. When the Romans first encountered the people of Britain, they noted the British habit of dying their bodies with woad, which left a blue colour.3Caesar, Gallic Wars, V.14; Pomponius Mela's Description of the World, ed. Frank E. Romer(1998), p. 116 (book 3, chapter 51). Other colours could be derived from iron ochre. A Byzantine historian, pulling together what he could glean from writers centuries earlier about the British, mentioned the tattooing of their bodies with iron-red. This was probably taken from a verse by Claudian which could be so translated.4Jordanes, Getica, II.14; Claudian, The Gothic War, XXVI. Even in 208 the Britons were still said to tattoo their bodies with coloured designs and drawings of all kinds of animals. 5Herodian, The History of the Roman Empire, III.14.7. As the Britons within the Roman Empire gradually adopted Roman ways, those outside it would be easily distinguished by their tattoos.

Distribution of Y-DNA R1b-L21 cluster with haplotype STR47, from Moffatt and Wilson 2011The Irish were nicknamed Scoti in Late Roman Britain, which name was taken up by Gaelic speakers in Scotland. The Late Roman nickname Picti was likewise adopted by speakers of Pictish. The names Picti, Scoti and Caledonii were squeezed onto the tiny area north of Hadrian's Wall on the Late Roman Peutinger Map. The Picts were not a tribe. The name began as a collective term for all tribes north of the Roman border, which shifted between Hadrian's Wall and the Antonine Wall. The latter ran between the Firths of Clyde and Forth. In the 730s AD Bede reported that the the Firth of Clyde had originally been the southern border of the Picts. 6Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the BritishPeople, ed. J. McClure and R. Collins (1994), p. 12. Within 8th-century Pictland we find reference to various peoples, kingdoms or districts. 7J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 44-9.

The northern and north-western area of Scotland was Gaelic-speaking in historic times, as indicated by the distribution of Gaelic place-names in Scotland. Care is needed though in the interpretation of place-name evidence. Pictish place-names were Gaelicized, as Gaelic became the dominant language of Alba. Conversely the Pictish place-name element *pet(t) (land-holding, portion, share) was borrowed into Scottish Gaelic and exported to Lothian. However the concentration of Pit- or Pet- names falls in the coastal and riverine areas (i.e. those most suitable for agriculture) of the eastern Highlands. The distribution of Pictish symbol-stones (6th-9th centuries AD) is remarkably similar, though they also occur in the Western, Orkney and Shetland Isles. For maps of both distributions see Whittington (1997).8J.T. Koch (ed.), Celtic Culture: a historical encyclopedia (2006), pp. 1444-8, 1592-3; G. Whittington, Placenames and the Settlement Pattern of Dark-Age Scotland, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. 106 (1977), pp. 99-110. James Wilson notes that a particular haplotype of Y-DNA R1b-L21/S145 (str47 in John McEwan's chart and generally known as the Scots Modal) appears most densely in the area with Pictish symbols, and so may be of Pictish derivation.9A. Moffat and J. Wilson, The Scots: A Genetic Journey (2011). The search goes on for an SNP that would identify a related haplogroup. L1065 now looks promising.

Brochs

The distribution of Iron Age brochs Cutaway artist's reconstruction of a broch. Click to enlarge in pop-up windowThe north-eastern tip of Scotland is notable for its brochs - tall, round, stone-built, hollow-walled Iron Age tower-houses. Brochs are also found in the Orkney and Shetland Islands, Skye and the Outer Hebrides. Brochs were often sited close to the sea. They evolved from earlier hollow-walled defences, one in a ring-fort on Shetland dated to the 6th century BC; associated pottery links it to Late Bronze Age Brittany. Promontory forts in the western isles with hollow walls were probably also built by new arrivals, in this case from southern England. It seems that settlers felt the need for defence against sea-borne attack. Brochs emerged on Shetland and Uist around the 4th century BC and slightly later in the Western Isles. While some brochs in NE Caithness show cultural links to Shetland, further south it appears that local people adopted the broch. In general broch-building societies appear multi-cultural. Some probably had chiefs of distant origin, but subordinates of more local origin. Most brochs were built between 200 BC and 100 AD and some remained in use as late as the 6th century AD. It was during this main burst of broch-building that a new type of quern appeared among the broch-builders. This adjustable disc quern was unknown elsewhere in Britain, but found in Iberia, and so hints at continuing contact with Brittany, which had trading links to Iberia.10E.W. MacKie, The broch cultures of Atlantic Scotland: origins, high noon and decline: part 1: Early Iron Age beginnings c. 700-200 BC, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, vol. 27, no. 3 (2008), pp. 261-279; part 2: The Middle Iron Age: high noon and decline c.200 BC - AD 550, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, vol. 29, no 1. (2010), pp. 89-117; Z. Outram et al.,The integration of chronological and archaeological information to date building construction: an example from Shetland, Scotland, UK, Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 37, no.11 (November 2010), pp. 2821-2830; J. T. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies (2007), p. 106, section 30 and map 15.1. Map shown on this page taken from A. Konstam, The Forts of Celtic Britain (2006).

Intriguingly a structure similar to a broch has been discovered in Central Spain. Bronze Age mounds dot the plain of La Mancha. The excavation of one - the Motilla del Azuer (Daimiel, Ciudad Real) - revealed a double-walled tower. It is earlier and more complex than any broch.11F. Molina et al., Recent fieldwork at the Bronze Age fortified site of Motilla del Azuer (Daimiel, Spain), Antiquity, vol.79, no. 306 (December 2005). So it remains unclear whether the concept travelled, or whether this is a case of parallel development. In the first century BC, the Veneti of what is now southern Brittany were outstanding navigators, with a huge fleet of ships, with which they controlled traffic with Britain, until they were crushed by Caesar. So we may guess that they were at least the intermediaries in a movement of people, goods and ideas to the north. Traffic along the Atlantic seaboard continued through and after the Roman period. The elites of Argyll imported wine, dyes, spices and fine wares from Aquitaine in the early historic period. Adomnan's Life of Columba mentions a vessel fresh from Gaul arriving in Argyll.12Caesar, Gallic Wars, III.8,16; Adomnan, Vita S. Columba, 1.22; J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 172, 243. Adomnan says the Gallic ship had arrived at caput regionis (the head of the region), which could mean Kintyre (Ceann-tir - head of the land) or the capital of Argyll.

Notes

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  1. C. E. V. Nixon and B. Saylor Rodgers (ed. and trans.), In praise of later Roman emperors: the Panegyrici Latini (1994), VI: Panegyric of Constantine, pp. 226-7 and note 27.
  2. The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, ed. and trans. S.A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach and O. Bergho (2006), p. 386 (XIX.xxiii.7).
  3. Caesar, Gallic Wars, V.14; ; Pomponius Mela's Description of the World, ed. Frank E. Romer(1998), p. 116 (book 3, chapter 51).
  4. Jordanes, Getica, II.14; Claudian, The Gothic War, XXVI.
  5. Herodian, The History of the Roman Empire, 3.14.7.
  6. Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the British People, ed. J. McClure and R. Collins (1994), p. 12.
  7. J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 44-9.
  8. J.T. Koch (ed.), Celtic Culture: a historical encyclopedia (2006), pp. 1444-8, 1592-3; G. Whittington, Placenames and the settlement pattern of Dark-Age Scotland, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland , vol. 106 (1977), pp. 99-110.
  9. A. Moffat and J. Wilson, The Scots: A Genetic Journey (2011).
  10. E.W. MacKie, The broch cultures of Atlantic Scotland: origins, high noon and decline: part 1: Early Iron Age beginnings c. 700-200 BC, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, vol. 27, no. 3 (2008), pp. 261-279; part 2: The Middle Iron Age: high noon and decline c.200 BC - AD 550, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, vol. 29, no 1. (2010), pp. 89-117; Z. Outram et al.,The integration of chronological and archaeological information to date building construction: an example from Shetland, Scotland, UK, Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 37, no.11 (November 2010), pp. 2821-2830; J. T. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies (2007), p. 106, section 30 and map 15.1. Map shown on this page taken from A. Konstam, The Forts of Celtic Britain (2006).
  11. F. Molina et al., Recent fieldwork at the Bronze Age fortified site of Motilla del Azuer (Daimiel, Spain), Antiquity, vol.79, no. 306 (December 2005).
  12. Caesar, Gallic Wars, III.8, 16; Adomnan, Vita S. Columba, 1.22; J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 172, 243. Adomnan says the Gallic ship had arrived at caput regionis (the head of the region), which could mean Kintyre (Ceann-tir - head of the land) or the capital of Argyll.
  13. Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2; J. T. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies (2007), maps 15.2 and 21.2; J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), p. 20.
  14. Tacitus, Agricola, 11, 25, 29-37.
  15. C. E. V. Nixon and B. Saylor Rodgers (ed. and trans.), In praise of later Roman emperors: the Panegyrici Latini (1994), VI: Panegyric of Constantine, pp. 226-7 and note 27.
  16. Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, trans. C.D. Yonge (1862), 27.8.5.
  17. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 291.
  18. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2; A. Breeze, Three Celtic names: Venicones, Tuesis and Soutra, Scottish Language (2006); A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 286.
  19. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  20. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 301.
  21. A. Breeze, Three Celtic names: Venicones, Tuesis and Soutra, Scottish Language (2006); W. J. Watson, The Celtic Place-names of Scotland (2005).
  22. S. Goodacre et al., Genetic evidence for a family-based Scandinavian settlement of Shetland and Orkney during the Viking periods, Heredity, vol. 95 (2005), pp. 129–135.
  23. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  24. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 325.
  25. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  26. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 326.
  27. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  28. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 330.
  29. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  30. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 360.
  31. J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 121, 146-148, 159-160, 203-6, 238-41; Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the British People, ed. J. McClure and R. Collins (1994), p. 11; J.T. Koch (ed.), Celtic Culture: a historical encyclopedia (2006), pp. 555-7, 1593; A. Woolf, From Pictland to Alba 789-1070 (2007), p. 7; J. T. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies (2007), map 20.2.
  32. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2; A. Breeze, Three Celtic names: Venicones, Tuesis and Soutra, Scottish Language (2006); A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 401.
  33. Adomnán, Life of Columba, chap. 7.
  34. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 77.12.
  35. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 404.
  36. J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 15-16.
  37. J.T. Koch, Celtic Culture: a historical encyclopedia (2006), pp. 518-9.
  38. A. Moffat and J. F. Wilson, The Scots: a genetic journey (2011), p. 138.
  39. E.W. MacKie, The broch cultures of Atlantic Scotland: origins, high noon and decline: part 2: The Middle Iron Age: high noon and decline c.200 BC - AD 550, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, vol. 29, no 1. (2010), pp. 89-117 (92, 95); D. W. Harding, The Iron Age in Northern Britain: Celts and Romans, natives and invaders (2004), p.187.
  40. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  41. J.P. Mallory and D.Q. Adams, The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-Europeans (2006), p. 139; A. Breeze, Three Celtic names: Venicones, Tuesis and Soutra, Scottish Language (2006).
  42. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 433.
  43. S. Goodacre et al., Genetic evidence for a family-based Scandinavian settlement of Shetland and Orkney during the Viking periods, Heredity, vol. 95 (2005), pp. 129–135.
  44. K. Gourlay, Scotland's Lost Braves, The Scotsman, 28th August 2001.
  45. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  46. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), pp. 460-61.
  47. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  48. K. Forsyth, Language in Pictland: the case against 'non-Indo-European Pictish' (Utrecht 1997), pp. 20-21; W.F.H. Nicolaisen, Scottish Place-Names, 2nd edn. (Edinburgh 2001) p. 229.
  49. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  50. A.L.F Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-names of Roman Britain (1979), p. 484.
  51. Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, II.2.
  52. A.L.F. Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-Names of Roman Britain (1979), pp. 372-3, 491; J. T. Koch, The stone of the Wenicones, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 29 (1982), pp. 87-9; A. Breeze, Three Celtic names: Venicones, Tuesis and Soutra, Scottish Language (2006).
  53. Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, trans. C.D. Yonge (1862), 27.8.5.
  54. A. Woolf, From Pictland to Alba 789-1070 (2007), pp. 9-10; J. E. Fraser, From Caledonia to Pictland: Scotland to 795 (2009), pp. 50-51; J. T. Koch, An Atlas for Celtic Studies (2007), p. 32 and map 21.2; A.L.F. Rivet and C. Smith, The Place-Names of Roman Britain (1979), pp. 496-7.